Fore & Aft – Philadelphia
Collects Maritime
2008 Loan Exhibit
Sponsored by:

By Craig Bruns, Curator, Independence
Seaport Museum, Philadelphia
Philadelphia owes its existence to the Schuylkill
and Delaware Rivers. Cradled between one river that
led to the abundant western frontier of Pennsylvania
and another that led to the oceans of the world,
Philadelphia was born and flourished. It developed
into the principal colonial port city and functioned
as a nexus of exchange.
The Delaware River bore people,
goods, and ideas in and out of the many communities
along its shores to other ports in the new world
and beyond. Nourished by the rivers' lifeblood, Philadelphia
grew in size and importance, playing an essential
role in the birth of the new nation and ultimately,
developing into one of its greatest metropolises.
Countless
sailors from the world over have passed through this
port aboard ships brimming with cargoes ranging from
raw materials and commodities to skillfully made
decorative arts. Finely built ships and elegant ship
figureheads were crafted here. The infant Continental
Navy first sailed from this port and Philadelphia
merchants led the way to open America's trade with
the distant ports of China and India.
This year's
Loan Exhibit celebrates the foresight and dedication
of the private collectors and public institutions
in the Delaware Valley that have preserved this maritime
history and made it available to the public. Bringing
these individual pieces together from across these
disparate collections provides an opportunity to
explore this rich history from multiple angles and
perspectives.
Push Comes to Shove
As it became obvious that
the British would take action against the resistance
of its upstart American colonies, Congress began
to assemble a Continental Navy and advised each colony
to defend its coastline. The colonies' divided loyalties
were reflected in the flag Navy Lieutenant John Paul Jones hoisted above the
24-gun warship Alfred at Philadelphia's Navy Yard at the foot of Federal Street
in October 1775.1 Commonly called the Grand Union
Flag, it combined a stripe for each colony with the
British Union Jack of the mother country – independence
had yet to be declared.
The only surviving
example of this type of flag is made of a
home-spun fabric of cotton and silk fibers
(figure 1).2 The spinning together of
cotton and silk fibers suggest the flag's own
conflicted intention. The silk fibers were
likely unraveled from scraps of a costly
Chinese silk fabric imported by the British.
The common cotton fibers were likely an
American product.
Grand Union Flag |

Grand Union Flag, American,
c.1790-1810, homespun cotton
and silk, 20 x 27 inches.
Figure
1: Courtesy
of Brian & Miriam O'Neill;
Photo courtesy of Sotheby's |
|
The Pennsylvania Committee of Safety,
under the direction of Benjamin Franklin, developed
an integrated system of river- and land-based defenses
to stave off the British invasion of the Delaware
River and Philadelphia, the largest city in the
colonies.3 The most dramatic elements of the defense
system were a series of submerged river obstructions
called chevaux-de-frise, designed by Robert Smith,
the architect of Carpenter's Hall.4
Huge pikes made
of tree trunks fitted with iron points were positioned
along the river bottom to rip through the hulls of
British ships as they made their way to Philadelphia.
The pikes were attached to massive "cribs" filled
with stone to keep them in place against the powerful
current of the river (figure 2).
Cheval-de-frise |

Cheval-de-frise, a fragment of the
Delaware River chevaux-de-frise,
designed by Robert Smith
(American, 1722-1777), c.1775,
wood, iron, 90 inches long.
Figure
2: Courtesy of Camden County
Historical Society |
|
These defenses succeeded
in diverting the landing of the British Army, allowing
Congress time to move the fledgling government to
safety and delayed the delivery of much-needed supplies
to the British occupying Philadelphia. During an
attack, where colonists employed the chevaux-de-frise
near Fort Mifflin and Fort Mercer, the British 74-gun
HMS Augusta inadvertently drifted down stream with
the tide, running aground on the New Jersey riverbank.5
While the crew attempted to free the ship, it caught fire, igniting its large store of
gun powder. The explosion destroyed the vessel. A surviving British Naval officer
is said to have depicted the explosion in a painting while staying with the painter,
James Peale (figure 3).
Explosion of the Frigate Augusta |

British Artist working in Philadelphia,
c. 1777, oil on canvas, 21 x 29-1/4
inches.
Figure
3: Courtesy of Atwater Kent
Museum of Philadelphia, Historical
Society of Pennsylvania Collection,
gift of James S. Earle, (HSP.1857.1) |
|
In 1875, the wreck of the frigate Augusta was lifted
from the bottom of the river and many artifacts and
ship timbers were recovered. With the excitement
and romance of the upcoming Centennial of America's
Independence, these relics were considered sacred
links to the nation's founding fathers. In 1919,
a carriage for a cannon was made, from the timbers
of the Augusta, and was inscribed,
"CANNON FROM BRITISH FLAG SHIP AUGUSTA DESTROYED
AT BATTLE OF RED BANK NJ OCT 23 1777 THE CARRIAGE WAS
MADE FROM A RIB FROM THE AUGUSTA."
Though this type of cannon,
called a Carronade, was used by the British Navy
it dates too late to have come from the frigate.
Nevertheless, it reveals the magnetism the Augusta
has had on patriotic citizens. The Daughters of the
American Revolution were so drawn to the ship that
they had paneling and furniture made from its timbers
for the New Jersey Room at their headquarters in
Washington, D.C.
War & Peace
From the Revolutionary War to the end
of the War of 1812, the new Republic fought relentlessly
to secure its free commerce. Immediately after the
Revolution, the new government dismantled the Continental
Navy. American merchant ships, crews and cargoes
were at risk from the British and French navies and
privateers, in addition to pirates of the Barbary
states of North Africa (figure 4). This threatened
America's new status as a sovereign nation and its
ability to express its liberty through commerce on
the seas.
"L'Aventure Cap. Reynaud / Pigou Jacob Lewis Comm.," |

Philadelphia
Merchantman Pigou pursued by
the French Privateer L’Aventure,
Mesnier Ann Byout, French, c.
1793, oil on panel, 22 x 32 inches.
Figure
4: Courtesy of J. Welles Henderson Collection |
|
In 1794, Congress approved building a new
fleet to defend commercial shipping and reluctantly
adopted the unpopular Jay Treaty, which, among other
things, established America's claim for damages from
British ship seizures. However, the treaty did not
address Britain's continued arrest of American ships
and the impressment of American seamen into service
in its war against France.
At the same time, the
interference of French privateers with American ships
led to the Quasi-War with France, an undeclared war
that lasted from 1798 to 1800. British manufacturers
took advantage of the charged political climate and
produced pottery, among other things,
with pro-American and anti-French
propaganda supporting America's infant
Navy (figure 5).
Jug |


Jug with detail of slogan under
the spout, “SUCCESS TO THE
INFANT NAVY OF AMERICA,”
Liverpool, England, creamware
with transfer design, c. 1794, 10 3/8
x 10-1/4 inches.
Figure
5: Courtesy of Atwater
Kent Museum of Philadelphia,
(77.1.699) |
|
The so-called Barbary War with the North African
states reached a crescendo when Philadelphian, Navy
Lieutenant Stephen Decatur led a raid to burn the
captured U.S. frigate Philadelphia in Tripoli harbor in 1804 (figure 6). British
Admiral Horatio Nelson described it as "the most bold and daring act of the age."
The burning of the ship, an act devised to keep it from being used by the
Barbary pirates against America's own ships, became a profound symbol of
the new Republic's determination to defend its commercial trade and citizens
throughout the world.
Figurehead |

Figurehead of Stephen Decatur,
American, 1820-1850, carved
and painted wood, 27 x 15 ½ x
11 inches.
Figure
6: Courtesy of Atwater Kent
Museum of Philadelphia, (56.10.2) |
|
The uneasy Jay Treaty failed in 1812,
leading to a full-scale war with
England, for which the American
government was unprepared.
A year later, the war had run the
United States into financial
collapse. American maritime
merchant Stephen Girard came to
the rescue by lending more than
half of the requested $16 million
and managed the remainder of the loan subscription
program through his bank (figure 7). America's merchants,
many of whom earned their fortunes through maritime
investments, took a gamble and lent their fortunes
to their ailing country. The monies from the loan
led directly to a string of U.S. naval victories
that ultimately ended the war and liberated America's
maritime commerce.
Subscription |

"SUBSCRIPTION AT
GIRARD'S BANK TO THE
LOAN OF XVI MILLIONS,"
American, 1813, paper and leather
binding, 16 x 10-3/4 inches.
Figure
7: Courtesy of Girard College
Historical Collections |
|
These victories were hailed by
artists and craftsmen alike. Philadelphia painter
Thomas Birch became sought after for his accurate
portrayals of these battles, such as the engagement
between the Constitution and the Guerriere (figure
8).
Engagement between the USS Constitution and the HMS Guerriere |

Painting by Thomas Birch
(American, 1779-1851), early 19th
century, oil on canvas, 29 x 36
inches.
Figure 8: Courtesy of Atwater
Kent Museum of Philadelphia,
Historical Society of Pennsylvania
Collection, gift of William K.
Romberger, (HSP.1910.12) |
|
Such depictions became very popular and were soon
available on a variety of decorative objects, including
a Chinese export jug with a sailor holding a flag
declaring "Don't Give up the Ship" (figure 9). These were the dying words of
Navy Captain James Lawrence, an American hero mortally wounded in a fierce
battle off Boston with the British frigate Shannon. His words were memorialized
when his friend, Commodore Oliver Hazard Perry, had them stitched on a flag
that flew on his flagship during his victory over the British in the 1813 Battle
of Lake Erie.
Pitcher |


Pitcher with vignette under the
spout, "DON’T GIVE UP THE
SHIP," Jindezhen, China, c.1815,
porcelain, 11-1/2 x 8-1/2 x 6-1/4 inches.
Figure 9: Courtesy of Winterthur, bequest of
Henry Francis du Pont, (1956.38.41) |
|
Ship carver William Rush, as part of Philadelphia's
maritime community, witnessed firsthand 40 years
of the new Republic's struggle in constant defense
of its commercial shipping. Many ships adorned with
his figureheads were at risk of being trapped in
battle and captured by the foe (figure 10). At the
end of this challenging era, Rush carved an allegorical
figure called Peace, holding a dove, an innocent
lamb huddling at her feet while she strides optimistically
forward (figure 11).
"The Ship Helvetius of Philadelphia
Commandt. By Adam Bausch" |

Painting by Jacob Petersen (Danish, 1774-1855),
c.1810, watercolor, 19-3/16 x 21-1/16
inches.
Figure 10: Courtesy of Independence
Seaport Museum, Philadelphia, gift
courtesy of J. Welles Henderson,
(1976.49.1) |
|
Ship's Figurehead |

Figurehead called Peace,
William Rush (American, 1756-
1833), c.1820, eastern white pine,
height 71-3/4 inches.
Figure 11: Courtesy of
Independence Seaport Museum,
Philadelphia, (1983.1) |
|
Merchant Citizen
Stephen Girard was the consummate American maritime
merchant whose trading throughout the world led him
to become an influential financier, philanthropist
and civic-minded humanitarian. This French shipmaster
made an unexpected port of call in Philadelphia in
1776 to avoid British blockaders during the first
hostilities of the American Revolution. Upon selling
his cargo, Girard decided to stay in Philadelphia
and opened an international trading
business out of the port.6
Girard was a great planner, organizer
and communicator and methodically
built a network amongst ship captains,
supercargoes and agents in ports around
the world. He regularly communicated
with his personally trained agents,
discussing the fluctuations of trading
values and political concerns from port to
port.7 Thus, he was able make informed
and profitable decisions on the purchase,
movement and sale of cargoes.
Girard's trading domain
began with the closer ports of the West Indies, South
America and Europe but, slowly "building his solvency,"8
was able to take larger investment risks and expand
his interests as far as China and India. Girard seems
to have celebrated his reach half-way around the
world with the building of new furniture for his
home. Using ebony he imported from India, he commissioned
his neighbor, Ephraim Haines, to build a
"sophisticated parlor set" in the Sheraton
style (figure 12).9 Unlike mahogany,
the imported exotic wood used in most
important American furniture commissions,
ebony was unique and outside the common
expression of wealth and power.
Arm Chair |

Arm Chair, Ephriam Haines
(American, 1775-1837), ebony, ash
and yellow poplar, 35-1/2 x 20-1/2 x 21
inches.
Figure 12: Courtesy of Girard College
Historical Collections |
|
Girard kept meticulous records of all transactions,
communications with his agents, ship logs, manifests,
insurance policies, port price guides and wage agreements
listing crew members (figure 13).10 These records
were stored in custom-made painted pine boxes, made
in groups and labeled as needed, with a date or name
of a ship. These seemingly humble boxes, representing
the labors of sailors, captains and supercargoes
as they traveled the world over, became an icon of
thriving American maritime commercial enterprise
(figure 14).
Logbook |

Logbook, "LOG BOOK OF
SHIP N. AMERICAN OF
PHILADELPHIA, 1824 & 1825
& 1826," ink on sail canvas and
paper, 19 x 10-1/4 inches.
Figure 13: Courtesy of
Girard College Historical Collections |
|
Record Boxes |

Record Boxes, American, dates
ranging from late 18th and early
19th centuries, painted pine, iron,
each approx. 12 x 27 x 14 inches.
Figure 14: Courtesy of Girard College
Historical Collections |
|
Girard was also politically active, sponsoring
a petition to Congress, in 1794, to protect American
ships and their crews. He followed this with a rally
that drew a reported 6,000 citizens from Philadelphia's
maritime community to the rear of the Pennsylvania
Statehouse, birthplace of American independence,
to protest the effects of Federalists' foreign policy
with England on their community.11
At the same time,
a theatrical play was performed dramatizing the imprisonment
of American sailors in North Africa.12 This rally,
along with those in other port cities, demanded the
President and Congress take action to protect America's
commerce and loved ones at sea. These pressures sparked
Congress to appropriate funds to build six frigates,
which became the foundation of a new American Navy.
Ambassadors at Sea
The American Revolution sought
to release commercial shipping from the restrictions
of British rule. However, without England, the fledgling
Republic lacked an identity among the community of
nations with which it wanted to trade. Just what
was an American and how should an American conduct
one's self on the world's stage?13 Ship captains
and sailors defined America's identity, sailing under
their new flag into ports around the world in search
of trade. The sea captains who represented the country
in war, now did the same in the name of commerce.
In
1784, immediately after the close of the Revolution,
a group of American investors sent a pioneering voyage
to China. The Empress of China was claimed as a demonstration, "...to
encourage others in the adventurous pursuit of commerce..."
according to Philadelphian, Robert
Morris, owner of a half-interest
in the voyage (figure 15).14 Fellow
Philadelphian, John Green, a veteran
officer of the Continental Navy, named
captain of the voyage, is believed to be
the first to fly the American flag in the
eastern hemisphere. He was encouraged to
"render it respectable by integrity and
benevolence in all his conduct and dealings."15
Hong Bowl |

Hong Bowl with probable image of
the ship Empress of China, Chinese,
c. 1784, porcelain, 14 3/8 inch
diameter.
Figure 15: Courtesy of The Dietrich
American Foundation |
|
As a precaution, to provide
Chinese officials with documentation of legitimacy,
he carried copies of the Declaration of Independence,
treaties with several European countries, sea-letters
from New York City and State requesting safe passage
and most importantly, a sea-letter of "ample terms" from Congress, representing the citizens of the
new Republic and carrying the
Great Seal of the United States
(figure 16).16
Sea-Letter |

Sea-letter for the ship Empress of
China from the Congress of the
United States, ink on two sheets of
paper joined with a ribbon and seal
of the United States, 1784, 16-1/4 x
15-3/4 inches.
Figure 16: Courtesy of
Independence Seaport Museum,
Philadelphia, (ISM 81.38.6) |
|
Like Green, many American ship captains
accepted this new responsibility to
represent their country. This, in turn,
heightened their social standing
and was reflected in their personal
belongings (figure 17).17
Sea Chest |

Captain’s Sea Chest, American,
early 19th century, painted wood,
mahogany and other exotic wood
inlay, 24-1/4 x 43-1/4 x 26 ½ inches.
Figure 17: Courtesy of David G. Nazarian |
|
Captain
David Alden's celebration of his
new responsibility is reflected in
his creamware jug that reads, "MAY
THE TREE OF LIBERTY, THAT
FIRST BUDED IN AMERICA,
SPREAD IT'S BRANCHES
THROUGH THE WORLD,"
a proclamation that suggests a ship
spreading liberty via the pursuit of
commercial trade throughout the world
(figure 18).
Jug |

Jug, “MAY THE TREE OF
LIBERTY, THAT FIRST
BUDED IN AMERICA,
SPREAD IT’S BRANCHES
THROUGH THE WORLD,”
probably Herculaneum Pottery,
Liverpool, England, 1795-1800,
creamware, height 9-3/8 inches.
Figure 18: Courtesy of Winterthur, gift of
Mr. S. Robert Teitelman, (83.1) |
|
Pride and excitement in this new calling must have
led Captain James Josiah to sit for a portrait before
his departure aboard the China-bound ship Asia (figure
19). The Continental Navy uniform he is wearing asserts
Josiah's past successes while the navigational chart
of Asian waters at his elbow reflects his future.
Captain John Barry recruited Josiah as his first
mate to serve in his place should a disaster happen
during this lucrative, yet potentially dangerous,
voyage.18
Barry no doubt would have shared the use
of his octant with Josiah as they navigated halfway
around the world (figure 20). It was the same octant
that Barry employed during the Revolutionary War
aboard the warships Lexington and Alliance.19
Sailing the Seven Seas
While details abound about
the lives of ship captains, the common sailor remains
more of a mystery. We do know that life on the sea
could begin at a very young age. Boys would sometimes
be bound to a captain by an apprenticeship with the
expectation that he would learn navigation and commanding
skills but some would be employed as a personal servant
of the captain, cooking and cleaning the cabin.20
Other
boys found themselves aboard ships having run away
from home, like Philadelphian John Reese Haslett
who, "Caught eating some
apple sauce between meals his grandmother told him he had to
eat it all and to avoid the cruel and unusual punishment he
enlisted as a cabin boy in the Navy" (figure 21).21 The treatment of
these young cabin or ship's boys would vary, as they were strangers
aboard ship with no one to look after them (figure 22).22 Naturally,
girls too were attracted to the sea, like Ann Jane Thornton who, at
the age of fifteen, posed as a boy and was given a position aboard a
ship bound for New York (figure 23).
Sailors could be identified by the way they looked;
they were dressed for their profession and acted
as a community. Their clothing was fashioned to protect
them from the elements, the most distinctive being
the use of tar to waterproof their hats and as a
result they were called Jack Tars (figure 24). Jack
Tar shop figures frequently advertised ship chandlers,
taverns, or other establishments that catered to
the seafaring community. These figures would have
greeted the many seamen that crowded the streets and clearly communicated they
were welcome at the particular establishment.
Both free and enslaved blacks were
also part of the community of sailors. Black sailors
were common enough in American port cities
that Frederick Douglass was able to escape
enslavement, in 1838, by melting into the crowd
by disguising himself as a sailor wearing "a red
shirt and tarpaulin hat and black cravat, tied
in sailor fashion, carelessly and loosely about
[the] neck."23 The same manner of dress
can be seen in the print The True
American Sailor from the same
period (figure 25).
It is also known that life at sea was difficult
and potentially hostile. A great number of threats,
both natural and man-made, could endanger the welfare
of the crew and the success of a voyage. Patches
on their clothing and the scars on their bodies told
of the difficulties and dangers of their work (figures
26, 27). Some sailors were marked with tattoos of
religious symbols, names of loved ones and patriotic
and political images, expressing their hopes and
fears.
Shipboard drinking water was prone to stagnation;
both the British and American Navies mixed it with
various distilled liquors to make it potable and
more palatable. This is what we know as grog. After
1862, alcohol was banned from use aboard American
Navy warships to the displeasure of the crews (figure
28).
Sailors leaving the confines and routine of
their ships for personal liberty ashore were
known to readily spend their earnings when
they arrived in port. When on shore, both
merchant and navy seafarers "gathered in and
around waterfront taverns, grog shops, and
residences, their distinctive rolling gait,...
their weathered complexions, and their unique
songs, dances, jargon, and curses all marked
them as men who worked at sea." (figure 29).24
This sailor culture developed from
living closely together for long periods of time
in close quarters aboard ship. Seamen had little
personal space and few possessions, although
they often made room for the accumulated
souvenirs gathered during their voyages (figure 30).
Bounty
of the Ship
Skilled seamen were accustomed to working
with their hands, making a variety of repairs to
the ship while at sea. During down time, some applied
their skills to smaller craft projects for shipmates,
loved ones at home, or to sell in port. Materials
were limited to whatever could be found on board
that was extraneous to the business of the ship.
There are stories of sailors using cheese rinds or
shark vertebra to fashion buttons for their clothes.25
This lends insight as to why whalers used whales'
teeth and bones for handicrafts.
Though the Delaware
River is not commonly thought of as a whaling port,
the Wilmington Whale Company and its fleet of five
ships was in business from 1833 to 1846.26 The whalers
aboard these ships no doubt produced scrimshaw like
their fellow whalers up the coast (figure 31). John
Martin of the Wilmington Whale Company's Lucy Ann
confirms the production of whalebone canes in his
journal dating 1841-44. "There are enough canes in
this ship to supply all the old men in Wilmington."27
None of the Lucy Ann canes are known
to have survived, but similar canes
can be found in regional collections
and suggest what they might have
looked like (figure 32).
Many of these crafts reflect a mariner's experiences at sea, such as a pedestal cup
created from whalebone and a coconut shell (figure 33). Carving on the outside
of the cup offers an uncommon view of an ordinary dockside scene stacked with
cargo in preparation for shipment. The scene on the coconut shell cup details
bales marked "Baltimore" and "Maine," barrels of oil and rose madder dye, a
crate of soda soap and an unshorn sheep. In the distance stands a factory or
warehouse, which would have had extensive dealings with the dock. A sailor's
awareness of cargo stemmed from his responsibility for stowing and ballasting
the consignment securely in the ship's hold.
Seasonal layovers, or retirement from life at sea,
afforded a skilled sailor the opportunity to work
on larger and more complex projects, like a 19th
century model of a typical merchant ship of the time
(figure 34). Because the rigging is more accurate
than the hull, it is thought to have been made by
a sailor who would have been more familiar with the
rigging he climbed than the hull obscured by the
sea.28 Models such as these were made without plans
and guided by memory and experience. The cook house
on the deck of the ship contains a small carved figure,
the only sailor aboard.
Seamen also made things that
acted as personal commemoratives of their travels
and functioned as mnemonic devices for storytelling.
An example is a large carving of an anchor painted
with the words, "HTM – CAP HORN – CAP
GOOD HOPE - BARNKRUG A. ELBE
1850. – HAMBURG BUENOS AIRES, 1869
– PHIL'A. – 1872" (figure 35). These clues
suggest that "HTM" might have begun his
seafaring life along the Elbe River, at Barnkrug,
Germany in 1850.
By 1869, he left the
neighboring city of Hamburg, crossing the
Atlantic Ocean to Buenos Aires. His career seems
to have spanned the globe, taking him to the Indian
and Pacific Oceans, requiring him to sail around
both the Capes of Good Hope and Horn. Philadelphia
became his last port of call in 1869, where he carved
a wooden anchor recording the highlights of his 22-year
adventure as a mariner on the seven seas.
The revelation of Philadelphia's maritime past has
only begun. The Loan Exhibit provides but a mere
glimpse into the abundant maritime history contained
in the private and public collections held in the
Delaware River Valley. Many masterpieces had to be
overlooked because they did not fit with the specific
stories told in this particular Exhibit; many masterpieces
remain to be discovered. The research and assembly
of this Exhibit disclosed a vast wealth of material
culture defining Philadelphia's ties to the rivers
and seas that is only waiting to be tapped.
In Dedication to J. Welles Henderson
"As a seven-year old in 1927, I gave fifty cents
to save America's most historic ship, the USS Constitution – 'Old
Ironsides.' For
that donation, I received a small anchor made of metal and
wood salvaged from the ship. This event changed my life – it
was as if I had become transfused with salt water. My quest as
a collector had begun for all things relating to the sea."
– J. Welles Henderson
Believing that Philadelphia should join the ranks of other port cities with
museums celebrating America's maritime heritage, Henderson founded
Independence Seaport Museum. This year's Philadelphia Antiques Show
exhibit is dedicated to him.
Footnotes
- 1. “Naval Committee to To: Virginia Convention,
Philadelphia [December ? 1775],” Delegates
to Congress,
Letters of Delegates to Congress, 1774-1789, Volume
2, September 1775-December 1775, Electronic Text
Center, University of Virginia Library. Also see,
John Fitzhugh Millar, Early American Ships, Thirteen
Colonies Press, Williamsburg, Virginia, 1986. p28
- Sotheby's
New York, Important Americana, catalog #N07801,
May 23, 2002, lot 97
- Jeffrey M. Dorwart, Fort
Mifflin of Philadelphia: An Illustrated History,
University of Pennsylvania Press,
1998, p.19
- John W. Jackson, The Delaware Bay
and River Defenses of Philadelphia, Philadelphia
Maritime Museum,
1977, p. 5
- Dorwart, p.40
- George Wilson, Stephen Girard:
The Life and Times of America's
first Tycoon, Combined Publishing, 1995, p.56
- Wilson,
p. 191
- Wilson, p. 86
- Ephraim Haines to Stephen Girard,
invoice, November 21, 1807,
Girard College Historical Collections
- Wilson,
p. 190
- Wilson, p. 142
- Simon P. Newman, Embodied History:
The Lives of the Poor in Early
Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Press.
p. 119
- Dane A. Morrison, American Expatriates
in Canton: National Identity
and the Maritime Experience Abroad, 1784-1850,
in Perspectives on Race
Ethnicity, and Power in Maritime America, edited
by Glen S. Gordinier,
Mystic Seaport Museum, 2000, p.6
- Morrison, p.7
- Daniel Parker to Captain John
Green, January 25, 1784, from Philip
Cadwick Foster Smith, the Empress of China, Philadelphia
Maritime
Museum, 1984, p.69
- Gouverneur Morris to Charles
Thompson, December 30 1783, from Philip Cadwick
Foster Smith,
the Empress of China, Philadelphia Maritime Museum,
1984, p. 70
- Morrison, p.9
- Alan Granby, Ph.D., editor,
A Yachtsman's Eye: The Glen S. Foster Collection
of Marine Paintings,
W.W. Norton & Company, New York, 2004, p. 150
- Philip
Chadwick Foster Smith, Philadelphia Displays “The
Flowery Flag,” essay
in Philadelphians and
the China Trade, 1784-1844, Jean Gordon Lee, Philadelphia
Museum of Art, 1984, p.29
- Daniel Vickers with
Vince Walsh, Young Men and the Sea: Yankee Seafarers
in the Age of Sail,
Yale University Press, New Haven & London,
2005, p. 106, 140
- W. H. Bowers, a note accompanying
the 1841 watercolor portrait of John Reese Haslett, “copied
by
W. H. Bowers 1935,” Independence Seaport
Museum, accession number 1997.17.13b
- Vickers,
p. 140
- W. Jeffery Bolster, Black Jacks: African
American Seamen in the Age of Sail, Harvard University
Press,
1997-98, p. 1
- Newman, p. 104
- Marcus Rediker, Between the
Devil and the Deep Blue Sea: Merchant Seamen, Pirates,
and the Anglo-American Maritime World, 1700-1750,
Cambridge University Press, 1987, p. 11
- David
Budlong Tyler, The Bay & River Delaware,
Cornell Maritime Press, Cambridge, Maryland,
1955, p. 80
- Stuart M. Frank, Dictionary of Scrimshaw
Artists, Mystic Seaport Museum, Mystic, Connecticut,
1991, p. 91
- Brian Lavery & Simon Stephens,
Ship Models, Their Purpose and Development from
1650 to the Present,
National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, 1995, p. 142
Acknowledgements
Lenders to the Exhibition
- American Swedish Historical Museum
- Robert & Katharine
Booth
- Camden County Historical Society
- Corinthian Historical
Foundation
- The Dietrich American Foundation
- Girard College
Historical Collections
- J. Welles Henderson Collection
- Historical Society
of Frankford
- Independence National Historical Park
- Independence
Seaport Museum
- Atwater Kent Museum of Philadelphia
- Marguerite & H.
F. (Gerry)
- Lenfest Collection
- Peter & Bonnie McCausland
- David G. Nazarian
- Brian & Miriam O'Neill
- The Rosenbach
Museum & Library
- Estate of S. Robert Teitelman
- The Rosenbach Museum & Library
- Winterthur
Independence Seaport Museum
- Michele Blazer
- Dollie Buckwalter
- Michele DiGirolamo
- Matt Herbison
- Lori Dillard Rech
- Bill Ward
Special Thanks
- Julie Baker
- Laura Brooks
- Lisa Byrne
- Andrea Cakars
- Karie Diethorn
- Susan Drinan
- Desiree Foulds
- Connie Gross
- Judith M. Guston
- Steven Hemstreet
- Hannah Henderson
- Carrie Hogan
- Elizabeth Laurent
- Sidney A. Lefkoe
- Roy T. Lefkoe
- Ed Lynch
- Jack McCarthy
- Tim McGrath
- Museum Council of Philadelphia, White
Glove Brigade
- Kathleen Orr
- Jeffery Ray
- Deborah Rebuck
- Norman P. Robinson
- Karen Schoenewaldt
- Mary Sinclair
- Paul Swenbeck
- S. Robert Teitelman*
- Ted Wiederseim
Loan Exhibit Committee
- Joan Johnson, Chairman
- Craig Bruns, Curator
Loan Article Coordinators
- Ms. Elizabeth Cavanaugh-Kerr
- Mrs. William C. Frayer
- Mrs. Thomas B. Helm
Photography
- Sahar Coston
Amanda Jaffe
* Deceased
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